Ai Aoyama is a sex and relationship counsellor who works out of her narrow three-storey home on a Tokyo back street. Her first name means "love" in Japanese, and is a keepsake from her earlier days as a professional dominatrix. Back then, about 15 years ago, she was Queen Ai, or Queen Love, and she did "all the usual things" like tying people up and dripping hot wax on their nipples. Her work today, she says, is far more challenging. Aoyama, 52, is trying to cure what Japan's media calls sekkusu shinai shokogun, or "celibacy syndrome".
Japan's under-40s appear to be losing interest in conventional relationships. Millions aren't even dating, and increasing numbers can't be bothered with sex. For their government, "celibacy syndrome" is part of a looming national catastrophe. Japan already has one of the world's lowest birth rates. Its population of 126 million, which has been shrinking for the past decade, is projected to plunge a further one-third by 2060. Aoyama believes the country is experiencing "a flight from human intimacy" – and it's partly the government's fault.
The sign outside her building says "Clinic". She greets me in yoga pants and fluffy animal slippers, cradling a Pekingese dog whom she introduces as Marilyn Monroe. In her business pamphlet, she offers up the gloriously random confidence that she visited North Korea in the 1990s and squeezed the testicles of a top army general. It doesn't say whether she was invited there specifically for that purpose, but the message to her clients is clear: she doesn't judge.
Inside, she takes me upstairs to her "relaxation room" – a bedroom with no furniture except a double futon. "It will be quiet in here," she says. Aoyama's first task with most of her clients is encouraging them "to stop apologising for their own physical existence".
The number of single people has reached a record high. A survey in 2011 found that 61% of unmarried men and 49% of women aged 18-34 were not in any kind of romantic relationship, a rise of almost 10% from five years earlier. Another study found that a third of people under 30 had never dated at all. (There are no figures for same-sex relationships.) Although there has long been a pragmatic separation of love and sex in Japan – a country mostly free of religious morals – sex fares no better. A survey earlier this year by the Japan Family Planning Association (JFPA) found that 45% of women aged 16-24 "were not interested in or despised sexual contact". More than a quarter of men felt the same way.
Many people who seek her out, says Aoyama, are deeply confused. "Some want a partner, some prefer being single, but few relate to normal love and marriage." However, the pressure to conform to Japan's anachronistic family model of salaryman husband and stay-at-home wife remains. "People don't know where to turn. They're coming to me because they think that, by wanting something different, there's something wrong with them."
Official alarmism doesn't help. Fewer babies were born here in 2012 than any year on record. (This was also the year, as the number of elderly people shoots up, that adult incontinence pants outsold baby nappies in Japan for the first time.) Kunio Kitamura, head of the JFPA, claims the demographic crisis is so serious that Japan "might eventually perish into extinction".
Japan's under-40s won't go forth and multiply out of duty, as postwar generations did. The country is undergoing major social transition after 20 years of economic stagnation. It is also battling against the effects on its already nuclear-destruction-scarred psyche of 2011's earthquake, tsunami and radioactive meltdown. There is no going back. "Both men and women say to me they don't see the point of love. They don't believe it can lead anywhere," says Aoyama. "Relationships have become too hard."
Marriage has become a minefield of unattractive choices. Japanese men have become less career-driven, and less solvent, as lifetime job security has waned. Japanese women have become more independent and ambitious. Yet conservative attitudes in the home and workplace persist. Japan's punishing corporate world makes it almost impossible for women to combine a career and family, while children are unaffordable unless both parents work. Cohabiting or unmarried parenthood is still unusual, dogged by bureaucratic disapproval.
Aoyama says the sexes, especially in Japan's giant cities, are "spiralling away from each other". Lacking long-term shared goals, many are turning to what she terms "Pot Noodle love" – easy or instant gratification, in the form of casual sex, short-term trysts and the usual technological suspects: online porn, virtual-reality "girlfriends", anime cartoons. Or else they're opting out altogether and replacing love and sex with other urban pastimes.
Some of Aoyama's clients are among the small minority who have taken social withdrawal to a pathological extreme. They are recovering hikikomori ("shut-ins" or recluses) taking the first steps to rejoining the outside world, otaku (geeks), and long-term parasaito shingurus (parasite singles) who have reached their mid-30s without managing to move out of home. (Of the estimated 13 million unmarried people in Japan who currently live with their parents, around three million are over the age of 35.) "A few people can't relate to the opposite sex physically or in any other way. They flinch if I touch them," she says. "Most are men, but I'm starting to see more women."
Aoyama cites one man in his early 30s, a virgin, who can't get sexually aroused unless he watches female robots on a game similar to Power Rangers. "I use therapies, such as yoga and hypnosis, to relax him and help him to understand the way that real human bodies work." Sometimes, for an extra fee, she gets naked with her male clients – "strictly no intercourse" – to physically guide them around the female form. Keen to see her nation thrive, she likens her role in these cases to that of the Edo period courtesans, or oiran, who used to initiate samurai sons into the art of erotic pleasure.
Aversion to marriage and intimacy in modern life is not unique to Japan. Nor is growing preoccupation with digital technology. But what endless Japanese committees have failed to grasp when they stew over the country's procreation-shy youth is that, thanks to official shortsightedness, the decision to stay single often makes perfect sense. This is true for both sexes, but it's especially true for women. "Marriage is a woman's grave," goes an old Japanese saying that refers to wives being ignored in favour of mistresses. For Japanese women today, marriage is the grave of their hard-won careers.
I meet Eri Tomita, 32, over Saturday morning coffee in the smart Tokyo district of Ebisu. Tomita has a job she loves in the human resources department of a French-owned bank. A fluent French speaker with two university degrees, she avoids romantic attachments so she can focus on work. "A boyfriend proposed to me three years ago. I turned him down when I realised I cared more about my job. After that, I lost interest in dating. It became awkward when the question of the future came up."
Tomita says a woman's chances of promotion in Japan stop dead as soon as she marries. "The bosses assume you will get pregnant." Once a woman does have a child, she adds, the long, inflexible hours become unmanageable. "You have to resign. You end up being a housewife with no independent income. It's not an option for women like me."
Around 70% of Japanese women leave their jobs after their first child. The World Economic Forum consistently ranks Japan as one of the world's worst nations for gender equality at work. Social attitudes don't help. Married working women are sometimes demonised as oniyome, or "devil wives". In a telling Japanese ballet production of Bizet's Carmen a few years ago, Carmen was portrayed as a career woman who stole company secrets to get ahead and then framed her lowly security-guard lover José. Her end was not pretty.
Prime minister Shinzo Abe recently trumpeted long-overdue plans to increase female economic participation by improving conditions and daycare, but Tomita says things would have to improve "dramatically" to compel her to become a working wife and mother. "I have a great life. I go out with my girl friends – career women like me – to French and Italian restaurants. I buy stylish clothes and go on nice holidays. I love my independence."
Tomita sometimes has one-night stands with men she meets in bars, but she says sex is not a priority, either. "I often get asked out by married men in the office who want an affair. They assume I'm desperate because I'm single." She grimaces, then shrugs. "Mendokusai."
Mendokusai translates loosely as "Too troublesome" or "I can't be bothered". It's the word I hear both sexes use most often when they talk about their relationship phobia. Romantic commitment seems to represent burden and drudgery, from the exorbitant costs of buying property in Japan to the uncertain expectations of a spouse and in-laws. And the centuries-old belief that the purpose of marriage is to produce children endures. Japan's Institute of Population and Social Security reports an astonishing 90% of young women believe that staying single is "preferable to what they imagine marriage to be like".
The sense of crushing obligation affects men just as much. Satoru Kishino, 31, belongs to a large tribe of men under 40 who are engaging in a kind of passive rebellion against traditional Japanese masculinity. Amid the recession and unsteady wages, men like Kishino feel that the pressure on them to be breadwinning economic warriors for a wife and family is unrealistic. They are rejecting the pursuit of both career and romantic success.
"It's too troublesome," says Kishino, when I ask why he's not interested in having a girlfriend. "I don't earn a huge salary to go on dates and I don't want the responsibility of a woman hoping it might lead to marriage." Japan's media, which has a name for every social kink, refers to men like Kishino as "herbivores" or soshoku danshi (literally, "grass-eating men"). Kishino says he doesn't mind the label because it's become so commonplace. He defines it as "a heterosexual man for whom relationships and sex are unimportant".
The phenomenon emerged a few years ago with the airing of a Japanese manga-turned-TV show. The lead character in Otomen ("Girly Men") was a tall martial arts champion, the king of tough-guy cool. Secretly, he loved baking cakes, collecting "pink sparkly things" and knitting clothes for his stuffed animals. To the tooth-sucking horror of Japan's corporate elders, the show struck a powerful chord with the generation they spawned.
Kishino, who works at a fashion accessories company as a designer and manager, doesn't knit. But he does like cooking and cycling, and platonic friendships. "I find some of my female friends attractive but I've learned to live without sex. Emotional entanglements are too complicated," he says. "I can't be bothered."
Romantic apathy aside, Kishino, like Tomita, says he enjoys his active single life. Ironically, the salaryman system that produced such segregated marital roles – wives inside the home, husbands at work for 20 hours a day – also created an ideal environment for solo living. Japan's cities are full of conveniences made for one, from stand-up noodle bars to capsule hotels to the ubiquitous konbini (convenience stores), with their shelves of individually wrapped rice balls and disposable underwear. These things originally evolved for salarymen on the go, but there are now female-only cafés, hotel floors and even the odd apartment block. And Japan's cities are extraordinarily crime-free.
Some experts believe the flight from marriage is not merely a rejection of outdated norms and gender roles. It could be a long-term state of affairs. "Remaining single was once the ultimate personal failure," says Tomomi Yamaguchi, a Japanese-born assistant professor of anthropology at Montana State University in America. "But more people are finding they prefer it." Being single by choice is becoming, she believes, "a new reality".
Is Japan providing a glimpse of all our futures? Many of the shifts there are occurring in other advanced nations, too. Across urban Asia, Europe and America, people are marrying later or not at all, birth rates are falling, single-occupant households are on the rise and, in countries where economic recession is worst, young people are living at home. But demographer Nicholas Eberstadt argues that a distinctive set of factors is accelerating these trends in Japan. These factors include the lack of a religious authority that ordains marriage and family, the country's precarious earthquake-prone ecology that engenders feelings of futility, and the high cost of living and raising children.
"Gradually but relentlessly, Japan is evolving into a type of society whose contours and workings have only been contemplated in science fiction," Eberstadt wrote last year. With a vast army of older people and an ever-dwindling younger generation, Japan may become a "pioneer people" where individuals who never marry exist in significant numbers, he said.
Japan's 20-somethings are the age group to watch. Most are still too young to have concrete future plans, but projections for them are already laid out. According to the government's population institute, women in their early 20s today have a one-in-four chance of never marrying. Their chances of remaining childless are even higher: almost 40%.
They don't seem concerned. Emi Kuwahata, 23, and her friend, Eri Asada, 22, meet me in the shopping district of Shibuya. The café they choose is beneath an art gallery near the train station, wedged in an alley between pachinko pinball parlours and adult video shops. Kuwahata, a fashion graduate, is in a casual relationship with a man 13 years her senior. "We meet once a week to go clubbing," she says. "I don't have time for a regular boyfriend. I'm trying to become a fashion designer." Asada, who studied economics, has no interest in love. "I gave up dating three years ago. I don't miss boyfriends or sex. I don't even like holding hands."
Asada insists nothing happened to put her off physical contact. She just doesn't want a relationship and casual sex is not a good option, she says, because "girls can't have flings without being judged". Although Japan is sexually permissive, the current fantasy ideal for women under 25 is impossibly cute and virginal. Double standards abound.
In the Japan Family Planning Association's 2013 study on sex among young people, there was far more data on men than women. I asked the association's head, Kunio Kitamura, why. "Sexual drive comes from males," said the man who advises the government. "Females do not experience the same levels of desire."
Over iced tea served by skinny-jeaned boys with meticulously tousled hair, Asada and Kuwahata say they share the usual singleton passions of clothes, music and shopping, and have hectic social lives. But, smart phones in hand, they also admit they spend far more time communicating with their friends via online social networks than seeing them in the flesh. Asada adds she's spent "the past two years" obsessed with a virtual game that lets her act as a manager of a sweet shop.
Japanese-American author Roland Kelts, who writes about Japan's youth, says it's inevitable that the future of Japanese relationships will be largely technology driven. "Japan has developed incredibly sophisticated virtual worlds and online communication systems. Its smart phone apps are the world's most imaginative." Kelts says the need to escape into private, virtual worlds in Japan stems from the fact that it's an overcrowded nation with limited physical space. But he also believes the rest of the world is not far behind.
Getting back to basics, former dominatrix Ai Aoyama – Queen Love – is determined to educate her clients on the value of "skin-to-skin, heart-to-heart" intimacy. She accepts that technology will shape the future, but says society must ensure it doesn't take over. "It's not healthy that people are becoming so physically disconnected from each other," she says. "Sex with another person is a human need that produces feel-good hormones and helps people to function better in their daily lives."
Aoyama says she sees daily that people crave human warmth, even if they don't want the hassle of marriage or a long-term relationship. She berates the government for "making it hard for single people to live however they want" and for "whipping up fear about the falling birth rate". Whipping up fear in people, she says, doesn't help anyone. And that's from a woman who knows a bit about whipping.
“I love infants, but I can't eat a whole one”
~ Oscar Wilde on Baby Farming
Baby Farming (an abuse) is the purposeful producing of human infants for the purpose of human consumption, generally as a foodstuff. This should not be confused with the closely related and much larger industry of baby harvesting, which is the gathering of unintentionally produced and generally unwanted infants for human consumption. Additionally, neither baby farming nor baby harvesting should not be confused with baby stealing, which is the theft of wanted infants for the purpose of consumption. Baby farming includes infants produced for both sale and personal use. The idea of using babies for foodstuff was first put forth by Johnathan Swift in his satirical work "A Modest Proposal" in 1729.
Baby farming is an industry worth approximately $125 million per year, producing over 250 thousand infants in 2006. In addition, some 50 thousand infants were produced for private consumption. The typical selling price of a baby is about $50, depending on weight, race, and gender. Some specially grown and bred gourmet babies can sell for several thousand dollars.
Unlike baby harvesting, baby farming has been practised in relatively few areas of the world. The high costs of baby farming combined with the near-universal surplus of unwanted infants has rendered it unprofitable except when baby flesh is a highly sought after luxury food.
The main types of baby farming are:
- industrial baby farming, also called plantation-type baby farming, in which several infants are produced on a large "farm" in an industrial setting for the purpose of sale
- non-industrial baby farming, or more precisely, commercial non-industrial baby farming, also called cottage-industry baby farming, in which a single female intentionally produces a baby for the purpose of sale
- non-commercial baby farming, in which a baby is produced for the purpose of personal consumption.
Today, almost all commercial baby farming, industrial or otherwise, occurs in the four nations of Cambodia, Laos, North Korea, and Vietnam. In former times, it was also practiced in most of eastern Asia and Ireland. Although almost all farmed babies are Asian, there is a niche industry in Vietnam in white and black babies, which were bred from captured soldiers from the Vietnam War.
In addition to their use as foodstuffs, babies are also used to create baby-leather and their organs are often transplanted into more desired infants. In southern Africa, babies are used as a traditional "cure" for aids, the effectiveness of which is questioned by modern science.
Mankind has been eating babies since before the dawn of civilization. The trading of infants as a food also dates back to before written records; however, it is generally believed that primitive man did not intentionally produce babies to eat, outside of a few isolated incidents.
The first records of actual baby farming appear in China in the 2rd century B.C.E. The baby farms are described as a relatively new concept, created in order to satisfy the demand for human flesh among the upper classes of Chinese society. Historically, Asiatic people have tended to eat more human flesh than other races. Older sources claim that Asians are biologically pre-desposed to cannibalism; however, most modern researchers have suggested the difference is mostly cultural.
editAsian Baby Farming
Baby farming quickly became common across all of China, particularly in the north-western areas, and remained so into the 20th century. In some periods, it is estimated that up to half of the babies born in China were consumed in some fashion.
editWestern Baby Farming
Jonathan Swift is generally regarded as the inventor of baby farming in the West. For centuries, babies have been eaten in Europe, chiefly by Witches. However, like most baby eating, these acts should be classified as baby harvesting, if not baby stealing.
In his now famous Essay "A Modest Proposal: For Preventing the Children of Poor People in Ireland from Being a Burden to Their Parents or Country, and for Making Them Beneficial to the Publick", written in 1729, Swift merely suggested baby harvesting to rid Ireland of its overpopulation, not setting up baby farms. Initially, many people were shocked by the suggestion of Swift, but his arguments in favor of baby eating won the day, and in 1733, the eating of Irishcatholic infants under 1 year of age was legalized by Parliament.
For several years, baby eating remained a taboo activity; known baby eaters would often be shunned by polite society. In 1737, Swift wrote a letter to the then Prime Minister, Sir Robert Walpole informing him of the sad state of affairs. Walpole was apparently moved by the letter, and convinced King George II to serve Irish baby at the Royal Christmas dinner that year. Within months, the Great English Baby-Eating Craze, as it would later be called, was in full swing. For the next 95 years, tens of thousands of Irish babies were devoured by the English Gentry every year, holding down the cost of land rental in Ireland and preventing widespread famine in that impoverished land.
During this time, Swift had established himself as a prosperous baby merchant, buying babies in Ireland and re-selling them in Britain. As the price of infants rose as the excess supply was being burned off, some feared that the high cost might tempt English parents to sell their children disguised as Irish babies. To the English of this period, the thought of eating another English person was highly revolting. To counter this fear, Swift proposed that baby farms, or baby plantations as he called them, be established in Ireland. On these baby plantations, babies would be bred and raised as livestock. Due to the high cost of using human beings as livestock, the cost of babies would remain high enough to prevent a surplus of Irishmen, yet low enough as to keep the illicit trade in non-Irish infants to a minimum.
In 1740, the first of many baby plantations was founded near Dublin with Jonathan Swift as the director. Despite the economic success of these baby farms, they only produced about 15% of the total infants consumed in Britain. The remaining 85% were mostly harvested unwanted infants, although a few Irish women did independently produce infants commercially. Baby farming remained restricted the Irish Catholics - selling a baby for the purpose of human consumption which was not both Catholic and Irish was punishable by death. Despite this restriction, some baby farming was introduced into Canada and South Africa.
editDecline of Western Baby Farming
Although baby eating became an established custom in England, many opposed the practice. Among these were several prominent clergymen, (such as Whitefield and the Wesley brothers), reformist Whigs, most Catholics, and even King George III himself. Opposition to baby-eating spiked in the 1820's; and in 1832, the practice was outlawed. This resulted in rents rising over the next decade as the population of Ireland skyrocketed. It is now commonly believed that the the illegalization of baby farming in Ireland was responsible for the Irish potato famine. Baby trading was now a felony, regardless of creed or nationality of the infant, although harsher penalties for selling British protestant infants would remain in place until the 20th century.
Due to poor phrasing in the law, however, the eating of infants remained legal. This led many English families to adopt the practice of non-commercial baby farming. Each year, several upper-class women would get pregnant in January or February so that they would have a baby in time for Christmas dinner. This practice gradually fell in popularity throughout the 19th century, but the practice never went extinct. In recent years, there has been some resurgence in non-commercial baby farming, with such celebrities as Britney Spears, Katie Price, and Katie Holmes engaging in the practice. It has started to become popular with the lower and middle and upper classes of New York and any place in California
editDecline of Eastern Baby Farming
At the turn of the 20th century, baby plantations existed in what is now China [People's Republic], both Koreas, Japan, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and Taiwan. In some nations, baby farming was outlawed; in Myanmar by the British in 1886, in the People's Republic of China in 1962, Taiwan following suit in 1963. In other nations, the rising standard of living forced baby farms out of business, the last baby farm in Japan closed in 1958, in South Korea, 1973, and in 1982 in Thailand.However in Russia, in the city of KFelfisdudhfegrad, baby farming is now the biggest and only industry in the city
editModern Industrial Baby Farming
Today, baby farming is limited to South-East Asia and North Korea. It was practiced in most of eastern Asia until the 20th century, but was either outlawed or rendered economically unfeasible by rising labor costs [no pun intended] and reduced demand for human flesh.
Most industrial baby farming still takes place in plantation-like barracks, often surrounded by a fence of some sort. Traditionally, the breeding women, called 'cows' in technical jargon, were forcibly held at the plantation, but these restrictions have been relaxed in recent years, especially in the 'cow has handed over several infants without incident.
Traditionally, all the employees of a baby farm, excluding the breeding women, have been male. This is due both to the male-dominated cultures and the belief that women are more likely to help the breeders or their children escape. This is still the case in most areas, except in Cambodia were a few women have been employed by the larger baby farms. Baby plantations have also traditionally hired a large number of young boys, as the much of the required work can be done by children.
editMethod of Breeding
In former times, many baby farms were combined with brothels to earn extra money. The breeding female would often be impregnated by a random client. Fortunately, the practice has long been abandoned for obvious health issues, in addition to other factors. Now, all baby farms use some sort of selective breeding to, at a minimum, assure that the babies produced are free of STDs. In all but the most primitive baby farms, conception in achieved through artificial insemination to prevent the spread of diseases.
Controlling infant size is among the most important concerns of modern baby farms, and is chiefly addressed by selective breeding. Overly large infants can result in difficult births, which greatly add to expenses of a baby farm. Generally, a weight of about 6 lb is preferred in South East Asia and 5.5 lb among the smaller east Asians. This is generally achieved by breeding the cows with men who had low birth weights. Alcohol or other medication and induced labor is also used to stunt the size of infants in the grow too large.
Another concern of baby farmers is to ensure a majority of female births, since in many areas of China, only female babies are eaten. Female babies are also preferred in the orient, where most systematically farmed babies are purchased. This is done by a variety of methods, often a 70-75% rate of female births is attained.
editWork of Breeding Females
To work as a breeding female, one must be a fertile female, generally between the ages 18 and 35, although some older women are occasionally hired. Baby farms prefer the woman be unmarried and be as young as possible or have had previous experience in baby farming. Most baby farms require that prospective employees be about 8-9 months pregnant with a child they plan to sell. The birth will then be observed by a representative of the company to prove the baby is in fact the child of the perspective employee. After the birth, the mother will be watched for signs of regret for selling her baby. If no such signs are observed, she will generally be hired.If any regret is shown then they are forced to have many more babies until the regret is gone. In Germany this is the most popular wording along with Hilter's annaul birthday song, sung ever day "Leben Sie lang das Vaterland, ist Babyessen nationaler Sport mit Bier! Bierbabys!"
After being hired, the breeding female will be kept on the baby farm in a barracks-like living facility, often called a barn, with other breeding females. During this time, they will generally also be employed in the textile industry or some light manufacturing. In a few of the larger farms, some of the more attractive females will be utilized in the production of fetishpornography. For the most succulent, soft, tenderest babies you will ever eat, you must travel to Howahaka, a small island off the coast of Australia. There, the breeding females are fed their own babies while pregnant. This goes on until they have eaten at least five of their own babies, and ensures the best farmed babies in the world, the price ranging from $5000 and higher depending on the amount of babies eaten. The most expensive baby ever recorded was from this area costing $47000 -she ate 47 of her own babies- no joke youd have to be sick in the head to eat that baby. Due to their rich unmatchable flavor, export of these babies are illegal and you must go there to get one. You could buy one on the black market for quadruple price if you're that lazy.
Gourmet babies are specially bred and raised infants, produced mainly in Laos, but formerly mostly in China. Gourmet babies are often confused with celebrity babies, as both are far more expensive than regular babies. A celebrity baby is defined as the infant of a famous person sold for human consumption, whereas a gourmet baby is a specially bred infants who parents are, in all likelihood, not well known. Gourmet babies are always raised on licensed baby plantations, while a celebrity baby is almost never grown on a baby farm. Despite the setback to this industry by the outlawing of baby farming in China, the gourmet baby industry has grown rapidly in recent years, while the baby farming industry as a whole has significantly contracted.
The cost of a gourmet baby can vary from a few hundred to several thousand dollars, depending on its pedigree. Gourmet babies are specially bred to have a milder, less gamy flavor, a more tender texture, and better marblization of fat and meat.
Like all domesticated livestock, gourmet babies are produced through selective breeding over several generations. In other words, some baby farms have saved the siblings of particularly delicious babies and used them for further breeding. The long period of time between generations has made selective breeding difficult. Additionally, up to a quarter of those people bred for baby farming decide to enter some other industry. Unlike common babies, which are mainly sold to other east Asian nations, gourmet babies are often sold to developed western nations.
editCriticisms of baby farming
Many criticisms have been leveled at baby farming industry by various human rights groups. The most common accusations include:
- Forced labor. Although in earlier times, some women were forcibly held on the baby farms, this is rarely true currently. Although some women are held to prevent escape, all breeding females now enter that line of work voluntarily. The proponents of baby farming assert that their practices are no more 'forced labor' than western contracts for surrogate mothers.
- Low wages and long hours for employees of breeding farms.
- Purchasing farmed babies hurts the balance of trade of most nations. This is true because babies are only farmed industrially in four countries.
- Baby farms rarely, if ever, hire women for support staff roles. However, this ignores the fact that up to 80% of the employees of a baby farm are breeding females.
- Finally, a few people reject the idea of eating human infants on moral or religious grounds.